Psychological Bulletin. Developmental-interactive aspects of hypnosis: some illustrative cases. Genetic Psychology Monographs. What becomes of the input from the stimulus? Lack of correlation between the California Psychological Inventory and hypnotic susceptibility. Volunteer bias in hypnotic experimentation. Sequelae to hypnotic induction with special reference to earlier chemical anesthesia.
Paired-associate learning as a function of similarity: common stimulus and response items within the list. Journal of Experimental Psychology. Selective amnesia for events within hypnosis in relation to repression. Stability of item statistics in two institutions Journal of Educational Psychology. Intervening variables, hypothetical constructs, parameters, and constants. Lewis Madison Terman: Discussion of probabilistic functionalism.
Errors in transfer following learning with understanding: further studies with Katona's card-trick experiments. Rote memorization, understanding, and transfer: an extension of Kotona's card-trick experiments. Conditioned discrimination as related to anxiety. Distributed practice in motor learning; progressively increasing and decreasing rests.
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Attempted pupillary conditioning at four stimulus intervals. Human motives and the concept of the self American Psychologist. Psychological factors in the restoration of the civilian economy Journal of Consulting Psychology. Distributed practice in motor learning: score changes within and between daily sessions Journal of Experimental Psychology.
Psychology as science and profession Psychological Bulletin.
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The effect of supporting and antagonistic voluntary instructions on conditioned discrimination Journal of Experimental Psychology.
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An algebraic analysis of conditioned discrimination in man Psychological Review. A summary and evaluation of alternative procedures for the construction of Vincent curves Psychological Bulletin. Conditioned responses to light in monkeys after removal of the occipital lobes Brain. Spaced practice and the maturation hypothesis Journal of Psychology: Interdisciplinary and Applied. Reflex sensitization and conditioning of eyelid responses at intervals near simultaneity Journal of General Psychology.
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PMID Hilgard E. Readers should not let the puzzling phrase "ecologically valid problems of everyday life" distract them from the main point: Jenkins confuses the concept of ecological validity with generalization and the representative design of experiments. Bronfenbrenner , in his presidential address to the members of the Division of Personality and Social Psychology in , also confuses the concept of ecological validity with generalization and representative design.
He begins his critique of current and past psychological research by observing that "the emphasis on rigor has led to experiments that are elegantly designed but often limited in scope. Many of these experiments involve situations that are unfamiliar, artificial, and short-lived and that call for unusual behaviors that are difficult to generalize italics ours to other settings" p. Having expressed his dissatisfaction with the lack of representativeness of past and current research design which makes it difficult to generalize laboratory findings to non-laboratory situations, Bronfenbrenner turns to the concept of ecological validity p.
In the articles written previous to , the concept of ecological validity was consistently used within the classical definition of validity, as it should be. Indeed, in his Table 2, on p. Ignoring all past work on the representative design of experiments and the ecological validity of cues, and finding his own redefinition wanting, Bronfenbrenner then offers a second new definition of ecological validity, namely; " Ecological validity refers to the extent to which the environment experienced by the subjects in a scientific investigation has the properties it is supposed or assumed to have by the investigator" p.
Needless to say, all connection with previous usages is now hopelessly lost. The consequences of steady erosion of meaning from this concept are now beginning to appear; equally prestigious psychologists are now protesting against "indiscriminate use" of the term and implying that its "indiscriminate use" has already destroyed its value. Bandura, for example, has protested against "the slighting of experimentation by recourse to the.
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This notion," he correctly observes, "has lost much of its identity from its earlier parentage, and is in danger of being transformed into a cliche through indiscriminate use. In short, despite three decades of consistent and growing use, the established meanings of these valuable concepts of representative design and ecological validity are being eroded, confused, changed arbitrarily. Indeed, these concepts may have already been corrupted beyond retrieval, perhaps to the point where their abandonment could become necessary because they will have become reduced to cliches, and their scientific value thereby lost, circumstances Bandura sees as imminent.
If that should happen, psychologists will be deprived of concepts already proven to be so useful that they will have to be reinvented. From a dictionary or common language point of view, Neisser, Jenkins and Bronfenbrenner, or any one else is free to use the terms ecological validity and representative design in whatever fashion ordinary usage will permit. But scientists do not use the common language in the common way; they assign special definitions to specific terms. And when that occurs, and when those special definitions acquire stable and significant meanings to many workers in the discipline over a period of time, then indifference to established usage together with arbitrary redefinition become obstacles to progress.
The discipline that permits such obstacles cannot be a cumulative science--a matter about which psychology has reason to be tender. Kohler's article provides a very comprehensive and highly informative analysis of the many studies of the "base rate fallacy" and certainly deserves our attention. I will not try to consider the "descriptive and normative challenges" put forward so effectively by Koehler, but will restrict my comments to the methodological matters that are related to the misuse of the term "ecological validity.
We have been oversold on the base rate fallacy in probabilistic judgment from an empirical. At the empirical level, a thorough examination of the base rate literature including the famous lawyer-engineer problem does not support the conventional wisdom that people routinely ignore base rates. Quite the contrary, the literature shows that base rates are almost always used and that their degree of use depends on task structure and representation. Note: this is a conclusion Brunswikians would anticipate. Specifically, base rates play a relatively larger role in tasks where base rates are implicitly learned or can be represented in frequentist terms.
Base rates are also used more when they are reliable and relatively ore diagnostic than available individuating information. At the normative level, the base rate fallacy should be rejected because few tasks map unambiguously into the narrow framework that is held up as the standard of good decision making. Mechanical applications of Bayes's Theorem to identify performance errors are inappropriate when 1 key assumptions of the model are either unchecked or grossly violated, and 2 no attempt is made to identify the decision maker's goals , values , and task assumptions.
Methodologically, the current approach is criticized for its failure to consider how the ambiguous, unreliable and unstable base rates of the real world are and should be used. Where decision makers' assumptions and goals very, and where performance criteria are complex, the traditional Bayesian standard is insufficient. Even where predictive accuracy is the goal in commonly defined problems, there may be situations e. A more ecologically valid research program is called for. Italics mine. This program should emphasize the development of prescriptive theory in rich, realistic decision environments.
The reader will have noted that Koehler makes a number of cogent criticisms of the broad conclusions that have been drawn about the "base rate fallacy" "we have been oversold on the base rate fallacy in probabilistic judgment" and will have also noted that he emphasizes the need for a "more ecologically valid" research program in order to remedy the "oversold" condition of the base rate fallacy. This is a remarkable statement in that Koehler reports exactly what Brunswikians have come to expect from psychological experiments, namely, overgeneralization of results from experiments designed without regard to a theory of the environment, or at a minimum, a statement of the conditions to which the results are intended to apply.
Curiously, however, at the same time Koehler refers -- altogether inappropriately -- to "A more ecologically valid research program" when what he really means is "representative design. To put it briefly, Koehler's article demonstrates two circumstances: 1 there is a growing visibility of the limitations of traditional laboratory methods, and 2 attempts to remedy matters are being made through the misuse of a Brunswikian concept.
As a result, the effort is being terribly bungled.
Those who know Brunswikian research and theory will wonder what Koehler could possibly mean by his suggested remedy to employ "A more ecologically valid research program. They will also be puzzled by Koehler's call for the "development of a prescriptive theory in rich, realistic decision environments.
All of this language indicates just how inept psychological research efforts can become. Without any theory of environments, they must take refuge in referring to a concept they do not understand, or one that is absurd, namely "the real world. Brunswik did not use the term "ecological validity" to refer to the problem of generalization of results from laboratory experiments, He used the term "ecological validity" to refer to the degree of relation between distal variable and cue.
He had to invent this term -- and Brunswik did invent it -- because both the perception and learning psychologists of the 30's, 40's and 50's almost without exception designed their experiments so that there was always a perfect relation between cue and distal variable, or cue and reward. There were few exceptions, see Hammond, Because he wanted to broaden the horizons of the perception and learning psychologists to include the idea of a probabilistic environment, however, he needed a term to express the degree of relation between cue and distal variable or reward, and thus break up the research design that always employed a rigid, one-to-one relationship between cue and distal variable or cue and reward.
And "ecological validity" is the term he chose, and the one that Brunswikians have been using ever since for that purpose and that purpose alone. It does not refer to the degree to which the conditions of an experiment represent some set of conditions toward the generalization is intended, as Koehler and so many others have come to believe. What Koehler apparently wants when he says that "A more ecologically valid research program is called for" is a research program which is built on experimental designs that -- somehow -- represent some broader set of conditions than those ordinarily used.
Of the 48 authors only Funder has mentioned the confused relation between "representativeness" and "ecological validity" p.